Kitap 6
To the Syracusans, in the mean time, reports were being brought from all quarters, and from those who had been sent by them to reconnoitre came positive intelligence that the ships were at Rhegium; and on the belief of this, they began to make preparations with all their heart, and were no longer incredulous. Accordingly they sent about to the Sicels, in some cases, guards; in others, ambassadors; and were putting garrisons into the stations of the See note. p. 266 peripoli in their country; while in their city they were seeing if the equipments were complete, by examining arms and horses; and were settling every thing else, in expectation of a war that was quickly coming on them, and all but present.
Now the three ships sent on in advance came from Segesta to the Athenians at Rhegium, with tidings that the other money which they had promised was not there, but that only thirty talents were to be seen.
The generals then were immediately in a state of great despondency, because this their first hope had disappointed them; as had the Rhegians also, by their unwillingness to join their standard—the people they had first attempted to persuade, and for whom it was most natural to assist them, as they were of the same race as the Leontines, and always favourably disposed towards themselves.
Nicias, indeed, was prepared for the tidings from the Segestans, but by the other two it was quite unexpected. For the Segestans had recourse to the following contrivance, at the time when the first envoys of the Athenians came to them to see the state of their funds. They took them to the temple of Venus at Eryx, and showed them the treasures deposited there, consisting of bowls, wine-ladles, censers, and other articles of furniture in no small quantity; which being made of silver, presented, with a value really trifling, a much greater show of wealth. And in their private receptions of the triremes' crews, having collected the cups both of gold and silver that were in Segesta itself, and borrowed those in the neighbouring cities, whether Phoenician or Grecian, they each brought them to the entertainments, as their own.
And thus, as all used pretty nearly the same, and great numbers of them were every where seen, it created much astonishment in the Athenians from the triremes;
and on their arrival at Athens they spread it abroad that they had seen great wealth. Those, then, who had been themselves thus outwitted, and had at that time persuaded the rest, were severely blamed by the soldiers, when the report went abroad that there was not at Segesta the money they had expected.
The generals now took counsel on the present state of affairs. The opinion of Nicias was, that they should sail to Selinus with all their forces, that being the object for which they had, most of all, been sent: and in case of the Segestans supplying money for the whole armament, that then they should determine accordingly; otherwise, that they should beg them to give provisions for their sixty ships, the number which they had asked for; and remaining there should bring the Selinuntines to terms with them, either by force or by treaty; and so, after coasting along by the other cities, and displaying the power of the Athenian state, as well as proving their zeal in the cause of their friends and allies, they should sail back home;—(unless they should be able, on a sudden, and without expecting it, either to do the Leontines service, or to bring over some of the other cities;)—and not expose their state to danger by spending its own resources.
Alcibiades, on the other hand, said that they ought not, after sailing from home with so large a force, to return with dishonour and without effecting their purpose; but to send heralds to all the other cities, except Selinus and Syracuse, and endeavour also to get some of the Sicels to revolt from the Syracusans, and to gain the friendship of others amongst them, with a view to obtaining corn and troops; but first of all to win over the Messanians; (for they lay just in the passage and approach to Sicily, and there would be a harbour for them there, and the most suitable station for observing the enemy.) When, then, they had brought over the cities, and knew with whose assistance they would carry on the war, then they should attack Syracuse and Selinus, if the latter did not come to terms with Segesta, and the former permit them to settle the Leontines.
Lamachus, again, urged that they ought to sail straight to Syracuse, and immediately fight the battle under the walls of the city, while the inhabitants were most unprepared and panic-struck. For every armament was most formidable in the first instance;
but if it spent much time before coming into sight, men grew bold again in spirit, and felt more contempt for it even on its appearance. If, then, they attacked them on a sudden, while they were still with terror looking for them, they would gain the most decided advantage over them, and strike fear into them in every way; by their sight of the forces, (for they would appear most numerous at the present time,) by their expectation of what they would suffer, and, most of all, by the immediate peril of the engagement. It was probable, too, that many would be surprised outside the city in consequence of their not believing that they would come;
or, Or, as Arnold renders it, while they were carrying, etc. if they were now carrying in their effects, yet the army would be in no want of property, if it sat down in superior force before the city. And so the rest of the Siceliots would then the more shrink from entering into alliance with the Syracusans, and join the Athenians;
and would not put off, while they waited to see which party would be the stronger. As for a naval station, he said that after retiring [from before Syracuse,] and bringing their ships to anchor, they should establish one at Megara; which was an uninhabited place, at no great distance from Syracuse either by sea or land.
Though Lamachus spoke to this effect, he nevertheless gave his support to the opinion of Alcibiades. After this, Alcibiades sailed across in his own ship to Messana, and made proposals to them for forming an alliance; but when he did not prevail on them, but they answered that they could not receive him within their city, though they would afford him a market outside, he sailed back again to Rhegium.
Then the generals immediately joined in manning sixty ships out of the whole number, and, taking provisions for them, coasted along to Naxus, leaving the rest of the armament at Rhegium with one of their own body.
On the Naxians' receiving them within their city, they coasted on to Catana; and when the inhabitants refused to admit them, (for there was in that place a party that favoured the cause of the Syracusans,) they proceeded to the river Terias.
Having spent the night there, the next day they sailed in column towards Syracuse, with the rest of the ships; for ten of their squadron they had sent on before, to sail into the great harbour, and observe whether there were any fleet launched; and to proclaim from their ships, that the Athenians were come to reinstate the Leontines in their own country, on the ground of alliance and kindred; and therefore that such of them as were in Syracuse should withdraw from it, and without any apprehension join the Athenians, as friends and benefactors. .
So when this proclamation had been made, and they had reconnoitred the city, the harbours, and the features of the country which they would have to make the base of their operations in the war, they sailed back again to Catana.
An assembly having been held there, the inhabitants did not admit the armament, but told the generals to come in and say what they wished. While Alcibiades was speaking, and the attention of those in the city was turned to the assembly, the soldiers, without being observed, broke through a postern which had been ill built up in the wall, and entering the city stationed themselves in the market-place.
When those of the Catanaeans who favoured the Syracusans saw the army within the walls, being immediately very much alarmed, they secretly went out of the place, as they formed but a small party; while the rest voted for an alliance with the Athenians, and begged them to fetch the rest of their forces from Rhegium.
After this the Athenians sailed to Rhegium, and having now put out with all their armament for Catana, on their arrival there established themselves in their camp.
Now tidings were brought to them, both from Camarina, that if they went there, the inhabitants would go over to them, and also that the Syracusans were manning a fleet. They coasted along therefore with all their force, in the first instance, to Syracuse; and when they found no fleet manning, they again proceeded along the shore towards Camarina; and having brought to at the beach, sent a herald to the people. They, however, did not admit them, saying that their agreement on oath was to receive the Athenians, when they sailed to them with only a single ship, unless they should themselves send for more.
Being thus unsuccessful, they sailed back again; and after they had landed on a part of the Syracusan territory, and the cavalry from Syracuse had come to the rescue, and killed some stragglers of the light-armed, they went back to Catana.
There they found the ship Salaminia come from Athens for Alcibiades—to order him to sail back and defend himself against the charges which the state brought against him—and for some others of the soldiers, who with him had been informed against, as being guilty of impiety with regard to the mysteries, and some of them with regard to the Mercuries also.
For the Athenians, after the armament had sailed away, made no less investigation into what had been done in the case of the mysteries and in that of the Mercuries; and as they did not test the character of the informers, Or, according to Poppo s reading, πάντα, taking, or regarding, every thing in a suspicious light. but in their suspicious mood admitted all who came forward, on the credit of unprincipled men they arrested and threw into prison very excellent citizens; thinking it more expedient to sift the matter and find it out, than that, in consequence of the bad principle of an informer, an accused person, even though he had a good character, should be unquestioned, and escape.
For the commons, knowing by report that the tyranny of Pisistratus and his sons had proved galling at last, and, moreover, that it had not even been put down by themselves and Harmodius, but by the Lacedaemonians, were always afraid, and took every thing suspiciously.
[For the daring deed of Aristogiton and Harmodius was undertaken in consequence of a love-adventure; by relating which, at some length, I shall show that neither other people, nor the Athenians themselves, give any accurate account of their own tyrants, or of what has happened amongst them.
For when Pisistratus had died at an advanced age in possession of the tyranny, it was not Hipparchus, as the generality suppose, but Hippias, that was eldest of his sons, and obtained the government. Now Harmodius being in the flower of youth and beauty, Aristogiton, a citizen of middle rank in the city, was enamoured of him, and enjoyed his favour.
Harmodius, then, being solicited by Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus, and not prevailed upon, denounced him to Aristogiton. He, lover-like, being exceedingly indignant, and fearing the power of Hipparchus, lest he should take him by force, immediately formed a design, (such as he could in the position he held,) for putting down the tyranny.
In the mean time Hipparchus, having again solicited Harmodius with no better success, would not indeed offer any violence to him, but prepared to insult him in some secret way or other, as though it were not on that account.
For neither in his general government was he severe towards the mass of the people, but conducted it without exciting any odium; and, for tyrants, these men in the greatest degree studied virtue and intelligence; and though they exacted from the Athenians only a twentieth of their income, they adorned their city in a beautiful manner, and carried on their wars, and provided sacrifices for the temples.
The state enjoyed, too, the laws which had been previously enacted, in all other respects, except that they always took care that one of their own family should hold the offices. Amongst others of them who held the yearly archonship at Athens was Pisistratus, son of the Hippias who had been tyrant, who bore his grandfather's name, and dedicated, while archon, the altar to the twelve gods in the market-place, and that of Apollo in the Pythian precinct.
The Athenian people having afterwards made an addition to the length of that in the market-place, obliterated the inscription on the altar; but that in the Pythian precinct is even still visible, though in faded letters, to this purport: Pisistratus, the son of Hippias, here,In Pythian precinct, marked his archon year.
Now that Hippias, as being the eldest son, succeeded to the government, I both positively assert, because I know it by report more accurately than others, and one may also learn it from this very fact. He alone of the legitimate brothers appears to have had children; as both the altar shows, and the pillar commemorating the wrong committed by the tyrants, placed in the Athenian citadel, on which is inscribed the name of no child of Thlessalus, or of Hipparchus, but five of Hippias, who were born to him of Myrrhine, daughter of Callias, son of Hyperechides. For it was natural that the eldest should have married first. And he is the first mentioned ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ στήλῃ.] As I do not think that πρώτῃ can bear the meaning which Arnold, though with great doubt, proposes to give it, and as no other editor professes to understand its force, I have not translated it at all. on the pillar after his father;
and that, too, not unnaturally, as he was the eldest next to him, and enjoyed the tyranny.
Nor, again, do I think that Hippias would ever have obtained the tyranny with such ease at the moment, if Hipparchus had been in power when he was killed, and Hippias had had to establish himself in it on the same day. But owing to his former habit, both of striking fear into the citizens, and of paying strict attention to his mercenaries, he retained his sway with superabundant security; and was at no loss, as though he had been a younger brother, and so had not previously been familiar with ξυνεχῶς ὡμιλήκει τῇ ἀρχῇ] These words seem to refer to the tempo-rary exercise of power which he might have enjoyed as archon for a year, in opposition to the permanent exercise of it as tyrant, which he would not have enjoyed, had he been the younger son of his father. the constant exercise of power.
But it was the lot of Hipparchus, because he was rendered famous by the sad fate which befell him, to receive also in succeeding ages the repute of having enjoyed the tyranny.
So then, when Harmodius had resisted his solicitation, he insulted him, as he intended. For after summoning a sister of his, a young girl, to come and bear a basket in a certain procession, they rejected her when she came, saying that they had not summoned her at all, as she was Either because her family was of Phoenician extraction, which excluded her from an honour confined to pure Athenians; or because her immoral character, as they insinuated, incapacitated her for an employment in which none but virgins of unblemished reputation could take a part. not worthy of the honour.
Harmodius being very indignant at this, Aristogiton also was, for his sake, much more exasperated than ever. And now all their other arrangements had been made with those who were to join them in taking the business in hand; but they were waiting for the great Panathenaic festival, on which day alone it was not considered a suspicious circumstance that those of the citizens who had conducted the procession should meet together in arms; and they were themselves to begin, but the rest immediately to join in aiding them against the body-guards. The conspirators were not numerous, for security's sake;
for they hoped that if any number whatever dared to make the attempt, even those who were not before privy to it would be willing at the moment, inasmuch as they had arms in their hands, to join in effecting their own freedom.
When therefore the festival arrived, Hippias, with his body-guard, was arranging outside of the walls, in what is called the Ceramicus, how the several parts of the procession were to proceed.