Kitap 6
We are about to go then, as I learn from report, against cities which are great, and not subject one to another, or in want of a change, like that by which men would gladly pass from a state of violent slavery to an easier condition instead f it; which will reasonably refuse to accept our dominion instead of freedom, and are many in number, considering that they are in one island, even those of Greek origin.
For besides Naxos and Catana, which I expect will side with us on the strength of their connexion with Leontini, there are seven others, and those equipped with every thing in a style just agreeing with our own power, and most of all, those against which we are more especially sailing, namely, Selinus and Syracuse.
For there are in them many heavy—armed, and bowmen, and dartmen, with many triremes, and crowds to man them. They have money too, partly in private funds, and partly in the temples also at Selinus; while the Syracusans have also first-fruits paid them by certain barbarian tribes. But what they most of all excel us in is, that they possess many horses, and use corn of native growth, and not imported
"Against such a power then we require, not only ναυτικῆς καὶ φαύλου στρατιᾶς,] i. e. a force consisting only of the few fighting men on board the ships. Or even if the seamen themselves were joined with them, yet their want of arms and training for land service would render them a very inefficient and weak force against the troops of Syracuse, on shore, however efficient they might be on their own element. a marine and inefficient armament, but that a large land force also should sail with us, if we are to achieve any thing suitable to our design, and are not to be shut out from the land by numerous cavalry; especially should the cities league together in their fear, and none but the Segestans be our friends, and furnish us with horse, wherewith to defend ourselves.
But it were disgraceful to return by compulsion, or to send for fresh supplies afterwards, through having inconsiderately formed our plans at first. On the contrary, we must go against them with sufficient forces, knowing that we are about to sail far from our own country, and not on an expedition of the same kind as when you have gone at different times, in the character of allies, against any of your subjects in these parts, where supplies of additional necessaries were easily obtained from the friendly territory; but departing to a land altogether alien to you, from which for μηνῶν, οὐδὲ τεσσάρων] I cannot at all agree with Poppo's remark: οὐδέ insolentius trajectum cum vv. ἄγγελον ῥᾴδιον ἐλθεῖν jungendum est. That would certainly give a suitable and more easy sense to the passage, but if the position in which οὐδέ stands in the great majority of the MSS., and which Poppo himself retains, be the correct one, it seems impossible that it should qualify any other word than τεσσάρων; and in that case its force appears to be what is here attributed to it. as many as four months in the winter it is not easy for a messenger to come here.
"I think therefore that we ought to take many heavyarmed, both of our own and of our allies, whether those who are subject to us, or any in the Peloponnese that we may be able either to prevail upon by argument, or to take into our pay; many bowmen also and slingers, to offer resistance to the Sicilian horse; and that in ships we should have a very decided superiority, in order that we may the more easily bring in what is necessary: while we τὸν δὲ καὶ αὐτόθεν σῖτον.] Arnold thinks that τοῦ σίτου would be a better reading; but there is no necessity at all for such a change, if the article be taken as only distinguishing the class of provisions here spoken of from, another, viz. the corn they took with them, in opposition to that which they would get in Sicily, and which is mentioned in the words immediately preceding, ἵνα καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ῥᾷον ἐσκομιζώμεθα. take our corn from home also in merchant vessels, namely, wheat and parched barley, with bakers from the mills, compelled, in proportion to their numbers, to serve for pay; that should we any where be detained by stress of weather, the force may have provisions; (for so numerous as it is, it will not be one for every city to receive.) All other things too we must provide, as far as we can, and not depend upon others; but, most of all, we must take from home as much money as possible. For as for that of the Segestans, which is asserted to be there in readiness, believe that it is in the way of assertion, more than in any other way, that it will be ready.
For supposing us to go hence, not only provided on a scale equal to the enemy, ( Because as on the one hand it was impossible for the Athenian expedition to match the Syracusan infantry in point of numbers, so on the other hand they were so superior in discipline, that even with a great disparity of numbers they were fully able to cope with them. —Arnold. excepting, at least, their heavy-armed fighting force,) but even surpassing them in all respects; yet scarcely even then shall we be able to subdue that country, and to save this. Indeed we must consider that we are going to found a city amongst aliens and enemies;
and such men must either, the first day they land, be at once masters of the country, or know that if they fail to do so, they will find every thing opposed to them.
For myself then, being afraid of this, and knowing that on many points we must take good counsel, and on still more have good luck, (and that is difficult for such as are but men,) I wish to sail from home committing myself as little as possible to fortune, and secured against failure by our preparations, according to all reasonable hopes.
For this I consider to be at once most safe for the state at large, and conducive to the preservation of us who will go on the expedition. But if any one think otherwise, I resign the command to him.
Thus much spoke Nicias, thinking that he should either deter the Athenians by the vast scale of his measures, or that if he were compelled to join the expedition, he should in this way sail on it most safely.
They, however, had not their desire for the voyage taken from them by the burdensome nature of the preparations, but were much more eager for it than ever; and the result proved just contrary to what he had expected; for it was thought that he had given them good advice, and that now certainly they would have even abundant assurance of success.
And so all alike were seized with a longing to go on the expedition: the elder, from a belief that they should either subdue the places against which they were about to sail, or that a large force would meet with no misfortune: those in the prime of life, from a desire of foreign sights and spectacles, and because they were in good hope of returning safe from it: the mass of the people and of the soldiery, from thinking that they should both make money at present, and gain additional power, from which an unfailing fund for pay would be obtained.
So that owing to the excessive desire of the majority for the measure, even if any one were not pleased with it, he was afraid that by voting against it he might appear ill—affected to the state, and therefore held his peace.
At last one of the Athenians came forward, and calling on Nicias, said that he ought not to make excuses and to procrastinate, but to say now before them all, what forces the Athenians should vote him.
He then, though reluctantly, said that he would deliberate more leisurely on the question, in concert with his colleagues: as far, however, as he saw at present, they should not sail with less than a hundred triremes, (as many of the Athenian ships as might be thought fit would carry the heavy infantry, while others must be sent for from the allies,) with not fewer than five thousand heavy-armed in all, of the Athenians and the allies, and even more, if at all possible; and that i. e. according to Arnold's explanation, they, including himself, who was to command the expedition : according to Haack's and Poppo's, Nicias himself and his colleagues. The latter seems he more natural of the two. they would get ready and take with them the rest of the armament in proportion, both archers from home and from Crete, slingers, and whatever else should be thought proper.
The Athenians, after hearing him, immediately voted that the generals should be invested with full powers to make arrangements, both concerning the number of troops, and every thing connected with the whole expedition, as they might judge to be best for Athens.
After this, the preparations began to be made; and they both sent to the allies, and drew up their muster—rolls at home. The city had lately recovered itself from the plague, and from continued hostilities, as regarded both the number of young men who had grown up, and the accumulation of money in consequence of the truce; so that every thing was the more easily provided. And thus they were engaged in preparations.
In the mean time, of all the stone Mercuries in the city of Athens, (they are, according to the fashion of the country, those well—known square figures, numerous both in private and sacred door—ways,) the greater part had their faces mutilated in one night. The perpetrators of this offence were known to no one;
but search was made for them, with great rewards for information offered at the public expense. Moreover, the people voted, that if any one knew any other act of impiety to have been committed, whoever wished, whether citizen, alien, or slave, should without fear give information of it. And they took the matter up more seriously Or the comparative may, perhaps, mean more seriously than they would have done under other circumstances. Or it may be used here, as in other places, with a force scarcely distinguishable from that of the positions than it deserved;
for it was considered to be an omen of the expedition, and also to have been done on the strength of a conspiracy for bringing about a revolution, and for putting down the democracy.
Information therefore was given by some naturalized aliens, and slaves who were in personal attendance on their masters, though not at all respecting the Mercuries, yet of certain mutilations of other images which had before been perpetrated by some young men in a drunken frolic: and, moreover, that in certain private houses the mysteries were celebrated in mockery. In this charge they implicated Alcibiades;
and those took it up who were most hostile to him, as being an obstacle to their own taking the permanent lead of the people. Thinking therefore, that if they expelled him, they would have the first place, they magnified the business, and raised an out cry, to the effect that both the affair of the mysteries and the mutilation of the Mercuries had been done for the abolition of democracy; and that there was none of all these things that had been executed without his assistance: alleging in proof of the assertion his general contempt for the law in his personal habits, so opposed to the spirit of democracy.
He at once defended himself against these charges, and was ready to submit to trial, as to his being guilty of any of these things, before going on the expedition, (for by this time all things necessary for the armament had been provided,) and if he had done any of these things, he was willing to be punished; but if he were acquitted, to take the command.
He protested, too, that they should not listen to slanders against him in his absence, but put him to death at once if he were guilty; and that it was more prudent not to send him out at the head of so large an armament, with such an accusation attaching to him, before they had decided the question.
But his enemies being afraid of the army, lest he should have its good wishes, if at once brought to trial; and lest the people should relent, who courted him, because for his sake the Argives and some of the Mantineans were joining in the expedition; they wished to put it off, and earnestly dissuaded the measure, by bringing forward other orators, who urged that at present he should sail, and not delay the departure of the army, but should on his return take his trial within such a number of days as might be appointed. For they wished to have him sent for, and brought home for trial on a graver charge, which they could more easily get up in his absence. Accordingly it was resolved that Alcibiades should sail.
After this, when it was now midsummer, the departure for Sicily took place. Now to the greater part of the allies, with the provision ships, and the smaller craft, and all the other vessels that accompanied them, orders had before been given to muster at Corcyra, with a view to their crossing the Ionian Sea in a body from that place to the Iapygian foreland. But the Athenians themselves, and such of the allies as were present, went down to the Piraeus on an appointed day, as soon as it was light, and proceeded to man their ships for the purpose of putting out to sea. The whole multitude too, (so to speak,) that was in the city, both of citizens and foreigners, went down with them. The natives accompanied, respectively, those who belonged to them, whether friends, kinsmen, or sons; and went at' once with hope and with lamentations;
with hope, that they would attain what they went for; but with lamentation, as doubtful if they should ever again see their friends, when they remembered on how long a voyage they were setting out from their country. At the present time too, when they were now to take leave of each other on a perilous undertaking, the thought of the dangers struck them more forcibly than when they were voting for the expedition: though, nevertheless, they were cheered by the sight of their present strength, through the numbers of each part of the armament which they beheld. As to the foreigners, and the rest of the multitude, they went to see the sight, as that of an enterprise worthy of their notice, and surpassing belief.
This armament which παρασκευὴ αὕτη πρώτη.] I have followed Göller's and Arnold's interpretation of these words in preference to that of Poppo, who joins πρώτη with πολυτελεστάτη δὴ and renders the passage thus: hic enim fuit apparatus primus sumptuosissimus profectus; which appears to imply that there could be more than one expedition that was the most costly of all up to that time.—Unless primus is intended by him to express quality, and not time; which does not seem probable. first sailed out, going from a single city, and consisting of a Grecian force, was the most costly and splendid of all up to that time. Yet in number of ships and of heavy—armed, that against Epidaurus under Pericles, and the same when going against Potidaea under Hagnon, was not inferior to this: for there were in it four thousand heavy-armed of the Athenians themselves, three hundred horse, and a hundred triremes, with fifty of the Lesbians and Chians, while many allies besides joined in the expedition.
But they were despatched on a short voyage and with scanty preparation: whereas this expedition started with the expectation of its being a long one, and was equipped for both kinds of service, whichever might be required, with ships and land forces at the same time. The fleet was elaborately fitted out, at great expense both on the part of the captains and of the state.
For the treasury gave a drachma a day to each seaman, and furnished empty vessels, sixty fast sailers and forty transports; while the captains provided the best crews for them, and gave gratuities in addition to the pay from the treasury, to the θρανίταις,] i. e. the highest of the three banks of rowers in a trireme, whose labour was greater in proportion to the greater length of the oars they worked. Göller supposes ὑπηρεσίαις in this passage to signify the servants of the sailors, and Poppo agrees with him, if the text be allowed to be sound. I have followed Arnold's interpretation. See his note on the passage. thranitae, and to the petty officers; and made use besides of expensive ensigns and equipments; each one of them being in the highest degree desirous that his own ship should excel most in beauty and fast sailing. The land forces, on the other hand, were selected from the best muster-rolls, and vied with each other in great attention to their arms and personal accoutrements. The consequence was, that there was at once a rivalry amongst themselves, in the arm of the service to which they were severally appointed; and that with the rest of the Greeks it was imagined to be a display of power and resources, rather than an armament raised against an enemy.
For if any one had reckoned the public expenditure of the state, and the private outlay of individuals; with regard to the state, what sums it had already spent upon it, and what it was sending out in the hands of the generals;
and with regard to individuals, what each had laid out on his personal equipment, and, in the case of a captain, on his ship, with what he was likely to lay out still; and, moreover, what it was probable that every one had provided, independently of his pay from the treasury, towards the expenses of a voyage expected to be so long; and what each soldier or trader took with him for the purpose of exchange; [if all these sums, I say, had been calculated,] it would have been found that many talents in all were being taken out of the city. And the expedition was no less celebrated through men's astonishment at its boldness, and the splendour of its appearance, than for the superiority of the armament, compared with those whom they were going to attack;
and from the fact of its being the longest passage from their own country that had hitherto been undertaken, and with the greatest hope of future advantages in comparison with their present means.
Now when the ships were manned, and every thing was put on board that they meant to set sail with, silence was proclaimed by trumpet, and they offered the prayers which are usual before putting out to sea; not ship by ship singly, but all together, responding to a herald; having mixed bowls of wine through the whole armament, and both seamen and their officers making oblations with gold and silver goblets.
They were joined also in their prayers by the rest of the multitude on shore, both the citizens and whoever else was there that wished them well. When they had sung their hymn, and finished their libations, they weighed anchor; and having at first sailed out in a column, they then raced each other as far as Aegina. And thus they hastened to reach Corcyra, where the remaining force of the allies was also assembling.
Now tidings of the expedition were brought to Syracuse from many quarters, but for a long time received no credit at all. Nay, even when an assembly was held on the subject, both by others were speeches to the following effect delivered, (some believing the report of the Athenian expedition, while some contradicted it,) and Hermocrates, the son of Hermon, coming forward to them, from a conviction that he had accurate information on the subject, addressed to them the following advice:
"I shall, perhaps, appear to you, as some others have done, to speak what is incredible concerning the reality of the expedition that is coming against us: and I know that those who either make statements, or bring reports, which do not seem to be credible, not only fail to convince, but are also thought to be foolish. Nevertheless I will not, through fear of this, hold my tongue when the state is in danger, since I am myself at any rate persuaded that I speak with more certain knowledge than others.
For the Athenians, much as you are surprised at it, have set out against us with a large force both for sea and land service, nominally, on account of an alliance with the Segestans, and for the purpose of settling the Leontines, but really through desire for Sicily, and most of all, for our city, thinking that if they get this, they will easily get the rest also.
With a conviction, then, that they will quickly be here, consider how with your present resources you may best defend yourselves, and may neither through despising the matter be taken off your guard, nor through disbelieving it neglect the common weal.