Kitap 3
The majority of the suppliants, who had not been prevailed on by them, when they saw what was being done, slew one another there on the sacred ground; while some hanged themselves on the trees, and others destroyed themselves as they severally could.
During seven days that Eurymedon stayed after his arrival with his sixty ships, the Corcyraeans were butchering those of their countrymen whom they thought hostile to them; bringing their accusations, indeed, against those only who were for putting down the democracy; but some were slain for private enmity also, and others for money owed 'them by those who had borrowed it. Every mode of death was thus had recourse to;
and whatever ordinarily happens in such a state of things, all happened then, and still more For father murdered son, and they were dragged out of the sanctuaries, or slain in them; while in that of Bacchus some were walled up and perished. So savagely did the sedition proceed; while it appeared to do so all the more from its being amongst the earliest.
For afterwards, even the whole of Greece, so to say, was convulsed; struggles being every where made by the popular leaders to call in the Athenians, by the oligarchical party, the Lacedaemonians. Here, as in I. 36. 3, the participle and the finite verb are made to answer to each other, οὐκ ἄν ἐχόντων—ἐπορίζοντο, whereas it should have been either οὐκ ἄν εἶχον πρόφασιν—ἐπορίζοντο, or οὐκ ἄν ἐχόντων—τῶνἐπαγωγῶν ποριζομένων. —Arnold. The only way to avoid this confusion of constructions would be to understand ἐχόντων and ἑτοίμων again after πολεμουμένων. And as they would have had no pretext for calling them in, nor have been prepared to do it, in time of peace, but were so in time of war,—occasions of inviting them were easily supplied, when this war had broken out. But from the fact of no commentator (so far as I am aware) having adopted this method, there are probably greater objections to it than, I confess, present themselves to my own mind. Now they would have had no pretext for calling them in, nor have been prepared to do so, in time of peace. But when pressed by war, and when an alliance also was maintained by both parties for the injury of their opponents and for their own gain therefrom, occasions of inviting them were easily supplied to such as wished to effect any revolution.
And many dreadful things befell the cities through this sedition, which occur, and will always do so, as long as human nature is the same, but For a similar use of μᾶλλον compare IV. 19. 7, εἴτε καὶ ἐκπολιορκηθέντες μᾶλλον ἂν χειρωθεῖεν in a more violent or milder form, and varying in their phenomena, as the several variations of circumstances may in each case present themselves. For in peace and prosperity both communities and individuals have better feelings, through not falling into Literally compulsory, i. e. which compells a man to do what he would otherwise not think of. urgent needs; whereas war, by taking away the free supply of daily wants is a violent master, and assimilates most men's tempers to their present condition, The states ten were thus torn by sedition, and the later instances of it in any part, from having heard what had been done before, exhibited largely an excessive refinement of ideas, both in the eminent cunning of their plans, and the monstrous cruelty of their vengeance.
The ordinary meaning of words was chanced by them as they thought proper. For reckless daring was regarded as courage tat was true to its friends; prudent delay, as specious cowardice; moderation, as a cloak for unmanliness; being intelligent in every thing, as being useful for nothing.
Frantic violence was assigned to the manly character; cautious plotting was considered a specious excuse for declining the contest. The advocate for cruel measures was always trusted; while his opponent was suspected. He that plotted against another, if successful, was reckoned clever; he that suspected a plot, still cleverer; but he that forecasted for escaping the necessity of all such things, was regarded as one who broke up his party, and was afraid of his adversaries.
In a word, the man was commended who anticipated one going to do an evil deed, or who persuaded to it one who had no thought of it. Moreover, kindred became a tie less close than party, because the latter was more ready for unscrupulous audacity. For such associations have nothing to do with any benefit from established laws, but are formed in opposition to those institutions by a spirit of rapacity.
Again, their mutual grounds of confidence they confirmed not so much by any reference to the divine law as by fellowship in some act of lawlessness. The fair professions of their adversaries they received with a cautious eye to their actions, if they were stronger than themselves, and not with a spirit of generosity. To be avenged on another was deemed of greater consequence than to escape being first injured oneself.
As for oaths, if in any case exchanged with a view to a reconciliation, being taken by either party with regard to their immediate necessity, they only held good so long as they had no resources from any other quarter; but he that first, when occasion offered, took courage [to break them], if he saw his enemy off his guard, wreaked his vengeance on him with greater pleasure for his confidence, than he would have done in an open manner; taking into account both the safety of the plan, and the fact that by taking a treacherous advantage of him he also won a prize for cleverness. And the majority of men, when dishonest, more easily get the name of talented an, when simple, that of good, and of the one hear ashamed, while of the her hey are proud. Now the cause of all these things was now proper pursued for the gratification of covetousness and ambition and the consequent violence parties when once engaged in contentio.
For the leaders in the cities, having a specious profession on each side, putting forward, respectively, the political equality of the people, or a moderate aristocracy, while in word they served the common interests, in truth they made them their prizes. And while struggling by every means to obtain an advantage over each other, they dared and carried out the most dreadful deeds; heaping on still greater vengeance, not only so far s was just and expedient for he state, but it the measure of what pleasing to either party in each successive case: an whether by an unjust sentence of condemnation, or on Or, χειρί may be taken by itself, in opposition to μετὰ ψήφου ἀδίκου καταγνώσεως: but the rhythm of the sentence appears better with the ether construction. gaining the ascendency by the strong hand, they were ready to glut the animosity they felt at the moment. Thus piety was in fashion with neither party; but those who had the luck to effect some odious purpose under fair pretences were the more highly spoken of. The neutrals amongst the citizens were destroyed by both parties : either because they did not join them in their quarrel, or for envy that they should so escape.
Thus every kind of villany arose in Greece from these seditions. Simplicity which is a very large ingredient in a noble nature, was laughed down and disappeared; and mutual opposition of feeling, with a want of confidence, prevailed to a great extent.
For there was neither promise that could be depended on, nor oath that struck them with fear, t put an end to their strife; but all being in their calculations more strongly inclined to despair of any thing proving trustworthy, they looked forward to their own escape from suffering more easily than they could place confidence [in arrangements with others].
And the men of more homely wit, generally speaking, had the advantage; for through fearing their own deficiency and the cleverness of their opponents, lest thy might be worsted in words, and be first plotted against by means of the versatility of their enemy's genius, they proceeded boldly to deeds.
Whereas their opponents, arrogantly thinking that they should be aware beforehand, and that there was no need for their securing by action what they could by stratagem, were unguarded and more often ruined.
It was in Corcyra then that most of these things were first ventured on; both the deeds which men who were governed with a spirit of insolence, rather than of moderation, by those who afterwards afforded them an opportunity of vengeance, would do as the retaliating party; or which those who wished to rid themselves of their accustomed poverty, and passionately desired the possession of their neighbours' goods, might unjustly resolve on; or which those who had begin the struggle, not from covetousness, but on a more equal fooling, might savagely and ruthlessly proceed to, chiefly through being carried away by the rudeness of their anger.
Thus the course of life being at that time thrown into confusion in the city, human nature, which is wont to do wrong even in spite of the laws, having then got the mastery of the law, gladly showed itself to be unrestrained in passion, above reward for justice, and an enemy to all superiority. They would not else have preferred vengeance to region, and gain to innocence; in which state envy would have had no power to hurt them.
And so men presume in their acts of vengeance to be the first to violate those common laws on such questions, from which all have a hope secured to them of being themselves rescued from misfortune; and they will not allow them to remain, in case of any one's ever being in danger and in need of some of them.
Such then were the passions which the Corcyraeans in the city indulged towards one another, being the first that did so. And Eurymedon and the Athenians sailed away with their ships;
after which the Corcyraean exiles, (for five hundred of them had escaped,) having taken some forts that were on the mainland, were masters of their own territory on the opposite coast, and sallying forth from it, plundered those in the island, and did them much damage, a violent famine being produced in the city. They also sent embassies to Lacedaemon and Corinth about their restoration.
When they met with no success, they afterwards got some boats and auxiliaries and crossed over to the island, to the number of six hundred in all; and having burnt their boats, that they might have no hope from any thing but the command of the country, they went up to the hill Istone, and after building a fort on it, began to annoy those in the city, and were in the mean time masters of the country.
At the close of the same summer the Athenians despatched twenty ships to Sicily, with Laches son of Melanopus, and Charceades son of Euphiletus, in command of them.
For the Syracusans and Leontines had gone to war with each other; the Syracusans having, with the exception of Camarina, all the Dorian cities in alliance with them—for indeed these had joined the Lacedaemonian confederacy at the commencement of the war, though they had not taken any part in it with them—while the Leontines had the Chalcidian cities, and Camarina. In Italy the Locrians were on the side of the Syracusans; the Rhegians, on that of the Leontines, in consequence of their affinity to them.
So the allies of the Leontines sent to Athens, both on the ground of their former confederacy with them and because they were Ionians, and urged the Athenians to send them a fleet, for they were excluded by the Syracusans from the use both of land and sea.
Accordingly the Athenians sent it, on the pretence of their relationship, but really from a wish that no corn might be brought thence to the Peloponnese; and to make an experiment whether it were possible for them to bring Sicily into subjection to themselves.
Having established themselves therefore at Rhegium in Italy, they began the operations of the war in concert with their allies. And so the summer ended.
The following winter the plague a second time attacked the Athenians, having indeed never entirely left them, though there had been some abatement of it.
It lasted the second time not less than a year—the former attack having lasted two—so that nothing reduced the power of the Athenians more than this.
For not less than four thousand four hundred heavy-armed in the ranks died of it, and three hundred of the equestrian order, with a number of the multitude that was never ascertained.
It was at that time also that the Numerous earthquakes happened at Athens, Euboea, and Boeotia, particularly at Orchomenos in the last-named country.
During the same winter the Athenians in Sicily and the Rhegians made an expedition with thirty ships against the islands of Aeolus; for in summer it was impossible to invade them, owing to their want of water.
They are occupied by the Liparaean colony from Cnidos, who live in one of the which is of no great extent, called Lipara, and proceed that to cultivate the rest, namely, Didyme, Strongyle, and Hiera.
Now the people in those parts think that in Hiera Vulcan works as a smith; because it is seen to emit abundance of fire by night, and of smoke by day. These islands lie opposite the coasts of the Sicels and Messanians, and were in alliance with the Syracusans.
The Athenians ravaged their territory, and when they did not surrender, sailed back to Rhegium. And so the winter ended, and the fifth year of of which Thucydides wrote the history.
The following summer the Peloponnesians and their allies proceeded as far as the Isthmus for the invasion of Attica, under the command of Agis son of Archidamus, king of the Lacedaemonians; but on the occurrence of numerous earthquakes, they turned back again, and no invasion was made.
About this period, when the earthquakes were so at, the sea at Orobiae in Euboea, having retired from as then the line of coast, and afterwards returned with swell, invaded a portion of the city, and partly init, though it also partly subsided; and so that is now sea was before land.
It also destroyed the inhabitants, excepting such as could run up first to the higher parts of the There was a similar inundation too at Atalanta, the island off the Opuntian Locri, which carried away a part of built by the Athenians, and wrecked one of two ships re drawn up on the beach.
At Peparethus too there treat of the sea, though no inundation followed; and an earthquake threw down a part of the wall, with the townhall few houses besides.
The cause of this, in my own opinion, is, that where the shock of the earthquake has been most violent, there it drives the sea back, and this suddenly coming on again with a violent rush causes the inundation. But without an earthquake I do not think that such an occurrence would ever happen.
During the same summer different parties, as they might severally happen, made war in Sicily; both the Siceliots themselves against each other, and the Athenians in concert with their allies; but I shall [only] mention the most memorable actions achieved by the Athenians and their allies, or against the Athenians by the enemy.