Book 8
That Tissaphernes shall provide the pay for the ships now present. according to the contract, until the king's fleet has come;
but that when the king's fleet has come, the Lacedaemonians and their allies shall be at liberty to maintain their own ships, if they wish it. That if, however, they consent to receive supplies from Tissaphernes, he shall furnish them, and the Lacedaemonians and their allies shall refund to him, at the conclusion of the war, whatever sums of money they may have received.—
That after the king's ships have arrived, those of the Lacedaemonians and their allies and those of the king shall jointly carry on the war, according as Tissaphernes and the Lacedaemonians and their allies may think fit. And if they wish to terminate hostilities with the Athenians, they shall be terminated on the same footing.
This was the treaty that was made. And after this, Tissaphernes prepared to bring up the Phoenician fleet, as had been agreed, and all other things which he had promised; or, at any rate, he wished to appear to be thus preparing.
When the winter was now closing, the Boeotians took Oropus by treachery, while an Athenian garrison was holding it. There co-operated with them, also, some of the Eretrians and of the Oropians themselves, who were plotting the revolt of Euboea. For as the place was just opposite to Eretria, so long as the Athenians held it, it could not fail to do much damage both to Eretria and the rest of Euboea.
Being now therefore in possession of Oropus, the Eretrians came to Rhodes, inviting the Peloponnesians into Euboea. They, however, were more disposed to relieve Chios in its distress, and so put out and sailed from Rhodes with all their fleet.
When they were off Triopium, they descried that of the Athenians out at sea, sailing from Chalce: and as neither side advanced against the other, they arrived, the Athenians at Samos, the Peloponnesians at Miletus, finding that it was no longer possible to go to the relief of Chios without a sea-fight. And so the winter ended, and the twentieth year of this war of which Thucydides wrote the history.
Immediately at the commencement of the spring of the following summer, Dercyllidas, a Spartan, was sent with a small force by land to the Hellespont, to effect the revolt of Abydus, which is a colony of the Milesians; and the Chians, while Astyochus was at a loss how to succour them, were compelled by the pressure of the siege to a naval engagement.
They happened, while Astyochus was still at Rhodes, to have received from Miletus, as their commander after the death of Pedaritus, a Spartan named Leon, who had come out as a passenger with Antisthenes, and twelve ships which had been on guard at Miletus, five of which were Thurian, four Syracusan, one Anaean, one Milesian, and one Leon's own ship When therefore the Chians had gone out against them in full force, and had occupied a strong position, while their ships at the same time to the number of six and thirty put out to meet the two and thirty of the Athenians, they engaged them by sea;
and an obstinate battle having been fought, the Chians and their allies, who had not the worst in the action, returned (for it was now late) into their city.
After this, immediately that Dercyllidas had proceeded thither by land from Miletus, Abydus on the Hellespont revolted to him and Pharnabazus, as also did Lampsacus two days later.
When Strombichides heard of this, he went to the rescue from Chios, as quickly as possible, with four and twenty Athenian ships, some of which also were transports carrying heavy-armed troops;
and when the Lampsacenes came out against him, having defeated them in battle, taken at the first assault their city, which was unfortified, and made spoil of implements and slaves, (though he restored the freemen to their dwellings,) he proceeded against Abydus When they did not capitulate, and he was unable to take the place by assault, he sailed away to the coast opposite Abydus, and appointed Sestus, a town of the Chersonese which the Medes had held at the time τότε.] The allusion is to the circumstance that Sestus was almost the last spot held by the Persians in Europe, and that it sustained a long and obstinate siege before it could be taken from them. (Herod. IX. 115, and seq.) —Arnold. so well known, as a post for a garrison, and for the defence of the whole of the Hellespont.
In the mean time the Chians were masters of the sea more than they had been; and Astyochus with those at Miletus, on hearing the particulars of the naval engagement, and the departure of Strombichides with his squadron, took fresh courage.
And so having coasted along with two ships to Chios, he took the fleet from that place, and with all his force now united advanced against Samos. When the Athenians, in consequence of their being suspicious of one another, did not put out to meet him, he sailed back again to Miletus.
For about this time, or still earlier, democracy had been abolished at Athens. For when Pisander and the ambassadors came from Tissaphernes to Samos, they both secured still more strongly their interest in the army itself, and instigated the most powerful of the Samians also to try with them to set up an oligarchy among themselves, although they had been rising up against one another to avoid an oligarchical government.
At the same time those of the Athenians at Samos determined, after communicating with each other, to give up Alcibiades, since he would not join them, (for indeed he was not a proper person, they said, to become a member of an oligarchy,) but to consider amongst themselves, since they were now actually imperilled, by what means their cause might escape abandonment; and at the same time to persevere in their measures for the war, and themselves to contribute with alacrity from their own private resources, both money and whatever else might be required, since they were no longer bearing the burden for any but themselves.
Having thus exhorted one another, they then immediately sent back home Pisander and half the ambassadors, to manage matters there; with instructions also to establish oligarchy in such of the subject cities as they touched at: the other half they sent to the rest of the places subject to them, some in one direction and some in another.
They also dismissed to his government Diotrephes, who was in the neighbourhood of Chios, but had been elected to take the command of the countries Thraceward. He, on his arrival at Thasos, abolished the democratical government;
but about two months after his departure the Thasians began to fortify their city, as wanting no more aristocracy in conjunction with the Athenians, but daily looking for liberty to be given them by the Lacedaemonians.
For indeed there was a party of them with the Peloponnesians which had been expelled by the Athenians, and which, in concert with their friends in the city, was exerting itself with all its might to bring a squadron, and effect the revolt of Thasos. They had the fortune, then, to find what they most wished, namely, the city brought to the right side without any danger, and the democratical party deposed, which had been likely to prove an obstacle.
Thus then in the case of Thasos, and, I imagine, in that of many other of the subjects, the result was the contrary of what was expected by those of the Athenians who were establishing oligarchy; for when the states had got a moderate government, and security of action, they went on to absolute liberty, and did not value the specious εὐνομίαν.] Or independence, according to the reading αὐτονομιάν, which Bekker and Poppo adopt from the majority of MSS. See Arnold's note. advantage of good laws which they received from the Athenians.
Pisander, then, and his companions, as they coasted along, abolished the popular governments in the cities, according to arrangement, and, moreover, took from some places heavy-armed troops as their allies, and so came to Athens. There they found most of the business already accomplished by their associates.
For some of the younger men, having conspired together, secretly assassinated one Androcles, the most prominent leaders of the commons, and who also had mainly procured the banishment of Alcibiades; and for both these reasons, on account of his being a popular leader, and because they thought they should gratify Alcibiades, who, they concluded, would be recalled, and would make Tissaphernes their friend, they were the more ready to kill him. There were some other obnoxious individuals also whom they secretly took off in the same manner.
A proposal too had already been openly set on foot by them, that no others should receive pay but such as served in the war; and that not more than five thousand should have a share in the government, and those such as were most competent to do the state service both with their property and their persons.
Now this was but a specious profession for the people at large, since the same men would really hold the government as would bring about the revolution. The people, however, and the council of five βουλὴ ἡ ἀπὸ τοῦ κυάμου.] Literally, the council of the bean, so called as being elected by ballot. hundred still met notwithstanding, though they discussed nothing that was not approved of by the conspirators, but both the speakers belonged to that party, and the points to be brought forward were previously discussed by them.
Indeed no one else any longer opposed them, through fear, and from seeing that the conspiracy was extensively spread; and if any one did speak against them, he immediately came to his end in some convenient way, and there was neither any search made for those who had perpetrated the deed, nor were they brought to justice if they were suspected; but the commons remained still, and in such consternation that every one thought himself fortunate who did not meet with some violent treatment, even though he held his tongue.
From supposing, too, that the conspiracy was much more general than it really was, they were the more faint-hearted, and were unable to ascertain its extent, being powerless in consequence of the size of the city, and their not knowing one another's views.
And on this same ground also it was impossible for a man to bemoan himself to another in his indignation, so as ἀμύνασθαι ἐπιβουλεύσαντα.] Or, as others have taken it, to defend himself by plotting against his enemy. But Arnold truly, I think, observes, that if that had been the meaning, Thucydides would probably have written ἀντεπιβουλεύσαντα. In addition to the passage to which he refers, (III. 12. 3,) compare VI. 37, where φυλάσσεσφαι is used in just the same sense as ἀμύνεσθαι is here: ἀντὶ τοῦ ἀεὶ φυλάσσεσθαι αὐτοὺς, καὶ ἀντεπιβουλεῦσαί ποτε ἐκ τοῦ ὁμοίου μεταλάβετε to repel one who was plotting against him; since he would either have found a person he did not know, to whom to speak his mind, or one whom he knew but could not trust.
For all the members of the popular party approached each other with suspicion, supposing every one to have a hand in what was going on. For there were amongst them some whom one would never have supposed likely to join an oligarchy; and it was these that produced the greatest distrust in the many, and that contributed most to the safety of the few, by confirming the people's want of confidence in each other.
Pisander and his colleagues therefore having come at this critical time, immediately addressed themselves to the remainder of the work. In the first place, having assembled the people, they moved a resolution for electing ten commissioners with absolute powers for compiling laws, and that after compiling them they should lay before the people, on an appointed day, their opinion as to the manner in which the state would be best governed.
Afterwards, when the day had arrived, they enclosed the assembly in the Colonus, (a temple of Neptune outside the city, at the distance of about ten stades,) and the compilers brought forward no other motion, but simply this, that any of the Athenians should be at liberty to express any opinion he might please; and if any one either prosecuted the speaker for illegality, or otherwise injured him, they imposed upon him severe penalties.
Upon that it was at length plainly declared, that no one should any longer either hold office, or receive pay, according to the present constitution; that they should elect five men as presidents, who, again, should elect a hundred, and each of the hundred three for himself, and that these, amounting to four hundred, should enter the council-chamber, and govern as they might think best, with full powers, and should elect the five thousand also, whenever they might please.
Now it was Pisander who moved this resolution, and in other respects was openly the most forward in assisting to put down the democracy. But the person who devised the whole business, and the means by which it was brought to this issue, and who for the longest time had given the subject great attention, was Antiphon, a man second to none of the Athenians of his day in point of virtue, and who had proved himself most able to devise measures, and to express his views; who also, though he did not come forward in the assembly of the people, nor by choice in any other scene of public debate, but was viewed with suspicion by the people through his reputation for cleverness, yet was most able for any one man to help those who were engaged in contest, whether in a court of justice, or before a popular assembly, whoever of them might consult him on any point.
And he himself, too, when the party of the Four Hundred had subsequently fallen, and was severely treated by the commons, appears to me to have made the best defence of all men up to my time, when tried for his life on the subject of this very government, on a charge of having assisted in setting it up.
Phrynichus, too, showed himself, beyond all others, most zealous for the oligarchy, through fear of Alcibiades, and the certainty that he was acquainted with the intrigues he had carried on at Samos with Astyochus; for he thought that, in all probability, he would never be restored by an oligarchical government. And he showed himself, when once he had undertaken their business, by far the most capable of facing dangers.
Theramenes the son of Hagnon was also a leader amongst those who joined in abolishing the democracy, a man of no small power, either of language or intellect. So that, conducted as it was by so many clever men, it was not unnatural that the business should succeed, though an arduous one. For it was a difficult matter to deprive the Athenian people of its liberty, about a hundred years after the deposition of the tyrants, and when it had not only been subject to none, but accustomed also, for more than half of that period, to rule over others.
When the assembly had been dissolved, without contradiction from any one, and by its own ratificaion of the measure, then they afterwards introduced the Four Hundred into the council-chamber, in the following manner. All the Athenians, in consequence of the enemy established at Decelea, were constantly under arms, either on the walls or in the ranks.
On that day, then, they permitted those who were not privy to their design to ἀπελθεῖν,] i.e. after a sort of morning parade, as Arnold expresses, leaving their arms piled in some open space, to be ready in case of any alarm. go home, as usual; while to those who were in the conspiracy directions were given to wait about quietly, not just by the arms, but at some little distance; and if any one should oppose what was doing, to seize the arms and not suffer it.
Moreover, some Andrians and Tenians, and three hundred Carystians, with some of the Aeginetan colonists, whom the Athenians had sent to occupy that island, had come for this very purpose with their own arms; to whom directions had already been given on this subject.