Book 2
Of these, the Chians, Lesbians, and Corcyraeans furnished a naval force, the rest of them infantry and money.
Such was the confederacy on each side, and their resources for the war.
The Lacedaemonians, immediately after what had happened at Plataea, sent round orders through the Peloponnese and the rest of their confederacy, for the states to prepare an army and such provisions as it was proper to have for a foreign expedition, with a view to invading Attica.
When they had each got ready by the appointed time, two thirds from every state assembled at the Isthmus.
And after the whole army was mustered, Archidamus, the king of the Lacedaemonians, who led this expedition, summoned to his presence the generals of all the states, and those highest in office and of most importance, and spoke to the following purport:
Men of the Peloponnese and allies, both our fathers made many expeditions, as well in the Peloponnese as out of it, and the elder part of ourselves are not without experience in wars. Never yet, however, have we marched out with a greater force than this; but we are now going against a most powerful state, and with a most numerous and most excellently equipped army on our own side.
We ought then to show ourselves neither inferior to our fathers, nor degenerated from our own character. For the whole of Greece has its expectation raised, and is paying attention to this attack, with good wishes that we may succeed in our designs, through their hatred of the Athenians.
Though, then, some may think that we are making the attack with superior numbers, and that it is very certain our adversaries will not meet us in battle, we must not, for this reason, go at all less carefully prepared; but both the general and soldier of each state should, as far as concerns himself, be always expecting to come into danger. For the events of war are uncertain, and attacks are generally made in it with short notice, and under the impulse of passion;
frequently, too, has the less number, through being afraid, more successfully repelled the more numerous forces, through their being unprepared in consequence of their contempt.
In the enemy's country indeed men ought always to march with boldness of feeling, but at the same time to make their actual preparations with a degree of fear; for in this way they would be at once most full of courage for attacking their adversaries, and most secure against being attacked.
But in our own case, we are not going against a state that is so powerless to defend itself, but against one most excellently provided with every thing; so that we must fully expect that they will meet us in battle; and if they have not already set out before we are there, yet [that they will do so], when they see us in their territory wasting and destroying their property.
For all are angry, when suffering any unwonted evil, to see it done before their eyes, and in their very presence: and those who [on such provocation] reflect the least, set to work with the greatest passion [to avenge themselves].
And it is natural that the Athenians should do so even to a greater extent than other, since they presume to rule the rest of the world, and to go against and ravage their neighbours' land, rather than see their own ravaged.
As then we are marching against a state of this description, and shall gain for our forefathers, as well as for ourselves, the most decided character, one way or the other, from the results; follow where any one may lead you valuing order and caution above every thing, and with quickness receiving your commands. For this is the finest and the safest thing that can be seen, for a large body of men to show themselves maintaining uniform discipline.
Having thus spoken, and dismissed the assembly, Archidamus first sent Melesippus son of Diacritus, a Spartan, to Athens; in case the Athenians might be more disposed to submit, when they saw that the Peloponnesians were now on their march. But they did not admit him into the city, nor to their assembly;
for the opinion of Pericles had previously been adopted, not to admit any herald with an embassy from the Lacedaemonians, when they had once marched out from their frontiers. They sent him back therefore before hearing him, and ordered him to beyond the borders that same day, and [to tell those who sent him] that in future, if they wished to propose any thing, they should send ambassadors after they had retired to their own territories.
And they sent an escort with Melesippus, to prevent his holding communication with any one. When he was on the frontiers, and was about to be dismissed, he spoke these words and departed This day will be the beginning of great evils to Greece.
When he arrived at the camp, and Archidamus found that the Athenians would not yet submit at all, he then set out and advanced with his army into their territory.
At the same time, the Boeotians, while they furnished their contingent and their cavalry to join the Peloponnesians in their expedition, went to Plataea with the remainder of their force, and laid waste their land.
While the Peloponnesians were still assembling at the Isthmus, and were on their march, before they invaded Attica, Pericles, son of Xanthippus, who was general of the Athenians with nine colleagues, when he found that the invasion would take place, suspected that either Archidamus, because he happened to be his friend, might frequently pass over his lands, and not ravage them, from a personal wish to oblige him; or that this might be done at the command of the Lacedaemonians for the purpose of raising a slander against him —as it was also with reference to him that they had charged them to drive out the accursed; and therefore he publicly declared to the Athenians in the assembly, that though Archidamus was his friend, he had not been admitted into his friendship for any harm to the state; should, then, the enemy not lay waste his lands and houses, like those of the rest, he gave them up to be public property, and that no suspicion might arise against him on these grounds.
He gave them advice also on their present affairs, the same as he had before given; namely, to prepare for the war, and bring in their property from the country, and not go out against them to battle, but to come in and guard the city, and get ready their fleet, in which they were so strong, and keep the allies tight in hand; reminding them that their main strength was derived from the returns of the money paid by these, and that most of the advantages in war were gained by counsel and abundance of money.
And [on this head] he told them to be of good courage, as the state had, on an average, six hundred talents coming in yearly as tribute from the allies, not reckoning its other sources of income; while there were still at that time in the Acropolis 6000 talents of coined silver;
(for the greatest sum there had ever been was 9700 talents, from which had been taken what was spent on the propylaea of the citadel, and the other buildings, and on Potidaea;) and besides, of uncoined gold and silver in private and public offerings, and all the sacred utensils for the processions and games, and the Median spoils, and every thing else of the kind, there was not less than 500 talents.
Moreover, he added the treasures in the i.e. besides the temple of Minerva, which was the public treasury. other temples, to no small amount, which they would use; and, in case of their being absolutely excluded from all resources, even the golden appendages of the goddess herself; explaining to them that the statue contained 40 talents of pure gold, and that it was all removable; and after using it for their preservation they must, he said, restore it to the same amount.
With regard to money, then, he thus encouraged them. And as for heavy-armed troops, he told them that they had thirteen thousand, besides those in garrisons and Literally, soldiers to line a parapet, i.e. for garrison duty. — Arnold. on the ramparts to the number of sixteen thousand.
For this was the number that kept guard at first, whenever the enemy made an incursion, drawn from the oldest and the youngest, and such of the resident aliens as were heavyarmed. For of the Phaleric wall there were five and thirty stades to the circuit of the city wall; and of that circuit itself the guarded part was three and forty stades; a certain part of it being unguarded, viz. that between i. e. the Piraic wall, in opposition to the Phaleric. It is sometimes spoken of in the plural number, τὰ μακρὰ τείχη, because an inner, or southern, wall was added to the original one by Pericles. See Arnold's and Göller's notes. the long wall and the Phaleric. There were also the long walls to the Piraeus, a distance of forty states, of which the outer one was manned; while the whole circumference of Piraeus with Munychia was sixty stades, though the guarded part was only half that extent. Of cavalry, again, he showed them that they had twelve hundred, including mounted bowmen;
with sixteen hundred bowmen [on foot], and three hundred triremes fit for service.
These resources, and no fewer than these in their several kinds, had the Athenians, when the invasion of the Peloponnesians was first going to be made, and when they were setting to the war. Other statements also did Pericles make to them, as he was accustomed, to prove that they would have the superiority in the war.
The Athenians were persuaded by what they heard from him; and proceeded to bring in from the country their children and wives, and all the furniture which they used in their houses, pulling down even the wood-work of their residences; while they sent their sheep and cattle over to Euboea and the adjacent islands.
But the removal was made by them with reluctance, from the greater part having always been accustomed to live in the country.
This had, from the very earliest times, been the case with the Athenian; more than with others. For under Cecrops, and the first kings, down to the reign of Theseus, Or, Attica had always been inhabited by a number of independent communities, or, civil societies, as Arnold renders it. the population of Athens had always inhabited independent cities, with their own guild-halls and magistrates; and at such times as they were not in fear of any danger, they did not meet the king to consult with him, but themselves severally conducted their own government, and took their own counsel;
and there were instances in which some of them even waged war [against him], as the Eleusinians with Eumolpus did against Erectheus. But when Theseus had come to the throne, who along with wisdom had power also, he both regulated the country in other respects, and having abolished the council-houses and magistracies of the other cities, he brought them all into union with the present city, assigning them one guild-hall and one council-house; and compelled them all, while they enjoyed each their own property as before, to use this one city only; which, since all were counted as belonging to it, became great, and was so bequeathed by Theseus to those who came after him. And from that time even to this the Athenians keep, at the public expense, a festival to the goddess, called i. e. the feast of the union. Synoecia.
Before that time, what is now the citadel was the city, with the district which lies under it, looking chiefly towards the south.
And this is a proof of it; the temples of the other gods as well [as of Minerva] are in the citadel itself, and those that are out of it are situated chiefly in this part of the city; as that of the Olympian Jupiter, of the Pythian Apollo, of Terra and of Bacchus in Limnae, in whose honour the more ancient festival of Bacchus is held on the twelfth day of the month Anthesterion; as the Ionians also, who are descended from the Athenians, even to this day observe it. And there are other ancient temples also situated in this quarter.
The conduit too, which is now called Enneacrunus, [or, nine-pipes,] from the tyrants having so constituted it, but which had formerly the name of Calirrhoe, when the springs were open, the men of that day used, as it was near, on the most important occasions; and even at the present time they are accustomed, from the old fashion, to use the water before marriages, and for other sacred purposes.
Moreover, from their living of old in this quarter, the citadel even to this day is called by the Athenians the city.
For a long time then the Athenians enjoyed their independent life in the country; and after they were united, still, from the force of habit, the generality of them at that early period, and even afterwards, down to the time of this war, having with all their families settled and lived in the country, did not remove without reluctance, (especially as they had but lately recovered their establishments after the Median war,) but were distressed and grieved to leave their houses, and the temples which, according to the spirit of the ancient constitution, had always been regarded by them as the And therefore the only ones in which they thought the gods would recieve their prayers and sacrifices. See Arnold's note. places of their hereditary worship;
going, as they now were, to change their mode of life, and Literally, doing nothing else but leaving, etc. Compare III. 39. 2. τί ἄλλο οὗτοι, ἢ ἐπεβούλευσαν; and IV. 14. 3. οὐδεν ἢ ἐκ γῆς ἐναυμάχουν. See Jelf's Gr. Gr. 895. c. each of them doing what was equivalent to leaving his native city.
When they came into the city, some few indeed had residences, and a place of refuge with some of their friends or relations; but the great bulk of them dwelt in the unoccupied parts of the city, and in all the temples and hero-chapels, except the Acropolis, and the temple of the Eleusinian Ceres, and any other that was kept constantly locked up. The Pelasgium also, as it is called, under the Acropolis, which it was even forbidden by a curse to inhabit, and prohibited by the end of a Pythian oracle, to this effect, the Pelasgium is better unoccupied, was, nevertheless, built over, from the immediate necessity of the case. And, in my opinion, the oracle proved true in the contrary way to what was expected.
For it was not, I think, because of their unlawfully inhabiting this spot, that such misfortunes befell the city; but it was owing to the war that the necessity of inhabiting it arose; which war though the god did not mention, he foreknew that [owing to it] the Pelasgium would hereafter be inhabited for no good.