Book 1
The ephors were at the moment distanced in the pursuit; but afterwards they took off the roof of the building; and having watched him in, and cut him off from egress, they barricaded the doors; and sitting down before the place, reduced him by starvation.
When he was on the point of expiring in his present situation in the building, on perceiving it, they took him out of the temple while still breathing;
and when he was taken out, he died immediately. They were going therefore to cast him, as they do malefactors, into the Caeadas; but afterwards they thought it best to bury him some where near But the god at Delphi subsequently ordered the Lacedaemonians to remove the tomb to where he died, (and he now lies in the entrance to the sacred ground, as monumental columns declare in writing;) and as what had been done was a pollution to them, he ordered them to give back two bodies instead of one to the goddess of the Brazen-House. So they had two brazen statues made, and dedicated them as a substitute for Pausanias.
The Athenians then, inasmuch as the god himself had decided this to be a pollution, retorted by commanding the Lacedaemonians to drive it out.—
Now the Lacedaemonians sent ambassadors to the Athenians, and charged Themistocles also as an accomplice in the medizing of Pausanias, as they discovered from the examinations in his case; and demanded that he should be punished with the same penalties.
In compliance with this, (he happened to have been ostracised, and though he had a residence at Argos, used to travel about to the rest of the Peloponnese,) they sent with the Lacedaemonians, who were very ready to join in the pursuit, certain men who were told to bring him wherever they might fall in with him.
Themistocles, being aware of this beforehand, fled from the Peloponnese to Corcyra; for he had been a benefactor to that people. But when the Corcyraeans alleged that they were afraid to keep him at the risk of incurring the enmity of the Lacedaemonians and Athenians, he was carried over by them to the main-land opposite.
And being pursued by those who had been appointed to the work, as they heard on inquiry in what direction he was going, he was compelled in a strait to stop at the house of Admetus, the king of the Molossians, who was not on friendly terms with him.
He happened to be from home; but Themistocles, addressing himself as a suppliant to his wife, was instructed by her to take their child, and seat himself on the hearth.
And when Admetus came not long after, he declared who he was, and begged him not to avenge himself on a banished man, for whatever he himself might have urged against any request of his to the Athenians; for in that case he would receive evil from the king, when he was far his inferior in power; whereas it was the part of a noble nature to avenge itself on its equals [alone], and on fair terms. Besides, he had himself opposed the king with regard to some request merely, and not on a point of bodily safety; whereas he, if he gave him up, (he mentioned by whom and for what he was being pursued, would deprive him of security of life. The king, after hearing him, raised him up with his son (for so he was sitting with him, and this was the most prevailing mode of supplication).
And when the Athenians and Lacedaemonians came no long time after, he did not give him up; but as he wished to go to the king, sent him by land to the other sea, to Pydna, which was in Alexander's dominions. There he found a merchant vessel putting to sea for Ionia, and having gone on board, was carried by a storm to the armament of the Athenians, that was blockading Naxos.
In his fear he told the master who he was, (for he was unknown to those in the vessel,) and on what account he was flying; and said, that if he did not save him, he would declare that he was taking him for a pecuniary consideration; that their only hope of safety lay in no one's leaving the vessel till the voyage could be continued; and that if he complied with his request, he would remember him with becoming gratitude. The master did so; and after lying out at sea off the naval encampment a day and a night, subsequently arrived at Ephesus.
And Themistocles rewarded him by a present of money (for there came to him afterwards money from Athens, sent by his friends, and from Argos that which had been secretly laid up there): and having gone up the country with one of the Persians on the coast, he sent a letter to king Artaxerxes, the son of Xerxes, who was lately come to the throne. The purport of the letter was this:
I Themistocles am come to thee, who have done most harm of all the Greeks to your house, as long as I was compelled to defend myself against thy father who had attacked me, but still far more good, when he was retreating in circumstances of safety to me, but of peril to him. And return for a benefit is owed me; (he mentioned his sending to him from Salamis previous information of the retreat of the Greeks, and the non-destruction of the bridges at that time through his instrumentality, to which he falsely laid claim;) and now I am come with power to do thee great good, being persecuted by the Greeks because of my friendship for thee. But I wish to wait a year, and then explain in person to thee the objects of my coming.
The king, it is said, approved of his plan, and told him to do so. During the time that he waited he learnt as much as he could of the Persian language, and the institutions of the country;
and having gone to him after the expiration of the year, he became an influential person with him, so as none of the Greeks had hitherto been, both on account of his previous reputation, and the hope which he suggested with regard to Greece, namely, that he would make it subject to him; but most of all, from his showing himself talented by actual proofs.
For Themistocles was one who most clearly displayed the strength of natural genius, and was particularly worthy of admiration in this respect, more than any other man: for by his own talent, and without learning any thing towards it before, or in addition to it, he was both the best judge of things present with the least deliberation, and the best conjecturer of the future, to the most remote point of what was likely to happen. Moreover, the things which he took in hand he was also able to carry out; and in those in which he had no experience he was not at a loss It should be remembered that τὸ κρῖναι, or the common-sense judgment which men may pass upon subjects which are not within their own peculiar study or possession, was constantly distinguished amongst the Greeks from that full knowledge, whether theoretical or practical, which enables men not only to judge of things when done, but to do them themselves. See II. 40. 3. VI. 39. 1. And on this principle the people at large were considered competent judges of the conduct of their magistrates, though they might be very unfit to be magistrates themselves. —Arnold. to form a competent judgment. He had too the greatest foresight of what was the better course or the worse in what was as yet unseen. In a word, by strength of natural talent, and shortness of study, he was the best of all men to do Or, as Arnold renders it, in determining on a moment's notice His wisdom was so little the result of study, that sudden emergencies did not perplex him, as they would those who, being accustomed to trust wholly to it, are called on at once to act without it. off-hand what was necessary.
He ended his life by disease; though some say that he purposely destroyed himself by poison, on finding that he was unable to perform what he had promised to the king.
Now there is a monument to him in the Asiatic Magnesia, in the market-place; for he was governor of the country, the king having given him i. e. the land-tax or rent which was paid by these towns to the king, and which amounted generally to the tenth part of the produce, was given by him to Themistocles to furnish him with these articles of his establishment. In addition to similar instances mentioned in Arnold's note, I may refer to Xenophon, Hellen. III. 1. 6. who informs us that Eurysthenes and Procles, descendants of the Spartan king, Demaratus, continued to possess Pergamus, Teuthrania, and Halisarna, the gift of the king of Persia to their exiled ancestor. Magnesia, which brought him in fifty talents a year, for bread, Lampsacus for wine, (for it was considered more productive of wine than any other place at that time,) and Myus for provisions i. e. all additional articles of food, such as meat, fish, or vegetables, which were called by the common name of ὄψον, in opposition to bread and wine, which were considered the main supports of human life. in general.
But his relations say that his bones were carried, by his own command, and laid in Attica without the knowledge of the Athenians; for it was not lawful to give them burial, as they were the bones of a man banished for treason. Such was the end of Pausanias the Lacedaemonian, and Themistocles the Athenian, who had been the most distinguished of all the Greeks in their day.
On the occasion then of their first embassy the Lacedaemonians gave orders to this effect, and received commands in return about driving out the accursed. But on going subsequently to the Athenians, they commanded them to raise the siege of Potidaea, and leave, Aegina independent; and declared, most especially and distinctly of all, that there would be no war, if they rescinded the decree respecting the Megareans, in which it had been declared that they should not use the ports in the Athenian empire, or the Attic market.
But the Athenians were neither disposed to obey them in the other points nor to rescind the decree; as they charged the Megareans with an encroaching cultivation of the consecrated and unenclosed land, and with receiving the run-away slaves.
Finally, when the last ambassadors had come from Lacedaemonians, namely, Ramphias, Melesippus, and Agesander, and mentioned none of the things which they usually had before, but simply this, The Lacedaemonians are desirous that there should be peace; and there would be, if you were to leave the Greeks independent; the Athenians called an assembly, and proposed the subject for their consideration, and resolved, once for all, to deliberate and answer respecting all their demands.
And many others came forward and spoke, supporting both views of the question; both that they should go to war, and that the decree should not be an obstacle to peace, but that they should rescind it: and then came forward Pericles, the son of Xanthippus, the first man of the Athenians at that time, and most able both in speaking and acting, and advised them as follows.
"I always adhere to the same opinion, Athenians, that we should make no concessions to the Lacedaemonians; although I know that men are not persuaded to go to war, and act when engaged in it, with the same temper; but that, according to results, they also change their views. Still I see that the same advice, or nearly the same, must be given by me now as before; and I claim from those of you who are being persuaded to war, that you will support the common resolutions, should we ever meet with any reverse; or not, on the other hand, to lay any claim to intelligence, if successful. For it frequently happens that the results of measures proceed no less incomprehensibly than the counsels of man; and therefore we are accustomed to regard fortune as the author of all things that turn out contrary to our expectation.
Now the Lacedaemonians were both evidently plotting against us before, and now especially are doing so. For whereas it is expressed in the treaty, that we should give and accept judicial decisions of our differences, and each side [in the mean time] keep what we have; they have neither themselves hitherto asked for such a decision, nor do they accept it when we offer it; but wish our complaints to be settled by war rather than by words; and are now come dictating, and no longer expostulating.
For they command us to raise the siege of Potidaea, and to leave Aegina independent, and to rescind the decree respecting the Megareans; while these last envoys that have come charge us also to leave the Greeks independent.
But let none of you think that we should be going to war for a trifle, if we did not rescind the decree respecting the Megareans, which they principally put forward, [saying,] that if it were rescinded, the war would not take place: nor leave in your minds any room for self-accusation hereafter, as though you had gone to war for a trivial thing.
For this trifle Furnishes you with an opportunity of confirming your resolution, while it tries it. It would confirm their resolution, and secure it against future attempts of the enemy, for the reason given two lines afterwards, ἀπισχυρισάμενοι δὲ σαφὲς ἂν καταστήσαιτε, κ. τ. λ.ἔχει here exactly agrees with Göller's explanation of it quoted in the note to c. 9. 2. Ausam dat alicui rei. —Arnold. involves the whole confirmation, as well as trial, of your purpose. If you yield to these demands, you will soon also be ordered to do something greater, as having in this instance obeyed through fear: but by resolutely refusing you would prove clearly to them that they must treat with you more on an equal footing.
"Henceforth then make up your minds, either to submit before you are hurt, or, if we go to war, as I think is better, on important or trivial grounds alike to make no concession, nor to keep with fear what we have now acquired; for both the greatest and the least demand from equals, imperiously urged on their neighbours previous to a judicial decision, amounts to the same degree of subjugation.
Now with regard to the war, and the means possessed by both parties, that we shall not be the weaker side, be convinced by hearing the particulars. The Peloponnesians are men who Literally, who work themselves; in opposition to such as had slaves to work for them. The substantive ἔργα, and the verb ἐργάζομαι, are frequently used with especial reference to agricultural work, e. g. II. 72. 8. cultivate their land themselves;
and they have no money either in private or public funds. Then they are inexperienced in long and transmarine wars, as they only wage them with each other for a short time, owing to their poverty. And men of this description can neither Göller repeats ἐκπέμπειν. with πληροῦντες. man fleets nor often send out land armaments;
being at the same time absent from their private business, and spending from their own resource sand, moreover, being also shut out from the sea: but it is super-abundant revenues that support wars, rather than compulsory contributions.
And men who till the land themselves are more ready to wage war with their persons than with their money: feeling confident, with regard to the former, that they will escape from dangers; but not being sure, with regard to the latter, that they will not spend it before they have done; especially should the war be prolonged beyond their expectation, as [in this case] it probably may. For in one battle the Peloponnesians and their allies might cope with all the Greeks together;
but they could not carry on a war against resources of a different description to their own; since they have no one board of council, so as to execute any measure with vigour; and all having equal votes, and not being of the same races, each forwards his own interest; for which reasons nothing generally is brought to completion. For some of them wish to avenge themselves as much as possible on some particular party;
while others wish as little as possible to waste their own property. And after being slow in coming together, it is but during a small part of the time that they look to any of the general interests, while during the greater part they are contriving for their own. And each individual does not imagine that he will do any harm by his own neglect, but thinks that it is the business of every one else too to look out for himself; so that through the same idea being individually entertained by all, the common cause is collectively sacrificed without their observing it.
" Most of all will they be impeded by scarcity of money, while, through their slowness in providing it, they continue to delay their operations;
whereas the opportunities of war wait for no one. Neither, again, is their raising works against us worth fearing, or their fleet.
With regard to the former, it were difficult even in time of peace to set up a rival city; much more in a hostile country, and when we should have raised works no less against them:
and if they build [only] a fort, they might perhaps hurt some part of our land by incursions and i.e. by harbouring the slaves and others who might go over to them. desertions; it will not, however, be possible for them to prevent our sailing to their country and raising forts, and retaliating with our ships, in which we are so strong.