Book 1
Thucydides, an Athenian wrote the history of the war between the Peloponnesians and the Athenians, how they warred against each other; having begun from its very outset, with the expectation that it would prove a great one, and more worthy Literally, most worthy—of all, etc.: but this use of the superlative, though one of the most common idioms of the Greek language, has not been naturalized in our own; notwithstanding Milton's well-known imitation of it, in which he makes Adam the goodliest of all his sons since born, The fairest of her daughters Eve. of relation than all that had been before it; inferring so much, as well from the fact that both sides were at the height of all kinds of preparation for it, as also because he saw the rest of Greece joining with the one side or the other, some immediately, and some intending so to do.
For this was certainly the greatest movement that ever happened amongst the Greeks, and some part of the barbarians, and extending, as one may say, even to most nations of the world.
For the events that preceded this, and those again that are yet more ancient, it As he refers, I think, to his own actual investigations on the subject, there seems no reason for giving to ἦν the hypothetical force, as translators have generally done. The same remark applies to the use of the same verb in the first sentence of chap. 22, χαλεπὸν τὴν ἀκρίβειαν αὐτὴν τῶν λεχθέντων διαμνημονεῦσαι ἦν: and the truth of it appears to be confirmed by the expression ἐπιπόνως δὲ εὑρίσκετο in the same chapter. was impossible, through length of time, to ascertain with certainty; but The relative ὧν is referred by some to σκοποῦντι, by others to πιστεῦσαι; and in either case it would seem but an ordinary instance of attraction; though Arnold thinks that neither of these expressions can be admitted. I have preferred the latter, both because the participial clause might very naturally be inserted in this parenthetical way; and from reference to a very similar passage in the beginning of chap. 20, τὰ μὲν οὖν παλαιὰ τοιαῦτα εὖρον, χαλεπὰ ὄντα παντὶ ἑξῆς τεκμηρίῳ πιστεῦσαι. Schäfer, as quoted by Göller, supplies ἐξ from the antecedent clause.—ξυμβαίνει seems here to express simply a result, without implying any thing of its fortuitous nature, as it more commonly does. from such evidence as I am led to trust, on looking back as far as possible, I do not think they were great, either with respect to wars or otherwise.
For it is evident, that what is now called Hellas, was not of old inhabited in a settled manner; but that formerly there were frequent removals, and that each tribe readily left the place of their abode, being forced by such as were from time to time more numerous.
For as there was no traffic, and they did not mix with one another without fear, either by sea or land; and they each so used what they had as but barely to live on it, without having any superfluity of riches, or planting their land, (because it was uncertain when another should invade them, and carry all away, especially as they had not the defence of walls;) and as they thought that they might any where obtain their necessary daily sustenance, they made little difficulty in removing: and for this cause they were not strong, either in greatness of cities, or other resources.
And the best of the land was always the most subject to these changes of inhabitants; as that which is now called Thessaly, and Boeotia, and the greatest part of the Peloponnese, (except Arcadia,) and of the rest of Greece whatsoever was most fertile.
For through the goodness of the land, both the power of some particular men growing greater caused factions among them, whereby they were ruined; and withal they were more exposed to the plots of strangers.
Attica, at any rate, having through the poverty of the soil been for the longest period free from factions, was always inhabited by the same people.
And this which follows is not the least evidence of my assertion, that it was owing to its migrations that Greece did not equally increase in other parts. For such as by war or sedi tion were driven out of the rest of Greece, the most powerful of them retired to Athens, as to a place of security; and becoming citizens at a very early period, made the city still greater in the number of inhabitants; so that afterwards they even sent out colonies into Ionia, as Attica itself was not able to contain them.
And to me the weakness of ancient times is not a little demonstrated by this too. Before the Trojan war, Greece appears to have done nothing in common;
and, as it seems to me, the whole of it had not as yet even this name; nay, before the time of Hellen, the son of Deucalion, it does not appear that this appellation existed at all; but that in their different tribes, and the Pelasgian to the greatest extent, they furnished from themselves the name [of their people.] i. e. there were different tribes, of which the Pelasgian was the predominant one, called by their different names, instead of being all comprehended under one, as they were afterwards. Or it may refer to the gradual formation of such general names even at that early period, by one tribe extending its own appellation to others. But when Hellen and his sons had grown strong in Phthiotis, and men invited them for their aid into the other cities; from associating with them, separate communities were now more commonly called Hellenes: For a striking instance of such a change in the language of a barbarian people at a much later period, I may refer to the inhabitants of the Amphilochian Argos, of whom Thucydides says, II. 68, ἑλληνίσθησαν τὴν νῦν γλῶσσαν τότε πρῶτον ἀπὸ τῶν αμπρακιωτῶν ξυνοικησάντων: οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι Ἀμφίλοχοι βάρβαροί εἰσιν. and yet not for a long time after could that name prevail amongst them all.
And Homer proves this most fully; for, though born long after the Trojan war, he has no where called them all by that name, nor indeed any others but those that came with Achilles out of Phthiotis; who were the very original Hellenes; but in his poems he mentions Danaans, Argives, and Achaeans. Nor again does he speak of barbarians; because neither were the Hellenes, in my opinion, as yet distinguished by one common term in opposition to that.
The several Hellenic communities, then, who in the different cities understood each other's language, and were See Arnold's note on this difficult passage. afterwards all so called, did nothing in a body before the Trojan war, through want of strength and mutual intercourse. Nay, even for this expedition they united [only] because they now made more use of the sea.
For Minos was the most ancient of all with whom we are acquainted by report, that acquired a navy: and he made himself master of the greater part of what is now the Grecian sea; and both ruled over the islands called Cyclades, and was the first that colonized most of them, having expelled the Carians, and established his own sons in them as governors; and, as was natural, he swept piracy from the sea as much as he could, for the better coming in to him of his revenues.
For the Grecians in old time, and of the barbarians both those on the continent who lived near the sea, and all who inhabited islands, after they began to cross over more commonly to one another in ships, turned to piracy, under the conduct of their most powerful men, with a view both to their own gain, and to maintenance for the needy; and falling upon towns that were unfortified, and inhabited like villages, i. e. in an open and straggling manner. Compare his description of Sparta, to which the term as still applicable, chap. 10. they rifled them, and made most of their livelihood by this means; as this employment did not yet involve any disgrace, but rather brought with it even somewhat of glory.
This is shown by some that dwell on the continent even at the present day, with whom it is an honour to perform this cleverly; and by the ancient poets, who introduce men asking the question of such as sail to their coasts, in all cases alike, whether they are pirates: as though neither those of whom they inquire, disowned the employment; nor those who were interested in knowing, reproached them with it.
They also robbed one another on the continent; and to this day many parts of Greece live after the old fashion; as the Locri Ozolae, the Aetolians, and Acarnanians, and those in that part of the continent. And the fashion of wearing arms has continued amongst these continental states from their old trade of piracy.
For the whole of Greece used to wear arms, owing to their habitations being unprotected, and their communication with each other insecure; and they passed their ordinary life with weapons, like the barbarians.
And those parts of Greece which still live in this way, are a proof of the same mode of life having also formerly extended to all.
Now the Athenians were the first who laid down their armour, and by a more easy style of life changed to greater luxury. And the elders of their rich men no long time ago ceased wearing from delicacy linen tunics, and binding up a knot of the hair on their heads with a tie of golden grasshoppers. Whence also this fashion prevailed for a long time with the elders of the Ionians, from their affinity to them.
But on the contrary, a moderate style of dressing, and according to the present mode, was first used by the Lacedaemonians; and in other respects their wealthier men most conformed themselves in their living to the common people.
And they were the first who stripped themselves, and undressing in public, smeared themselves with grease, The rude original of the κήρωμα in later times. in their gymnastic exercises. And formerly even at the Olympic games the combatants contended with girdles round their middle; and it is not many years since it ceased to be so. Nay even now amongst some of the barbarians, and especially those of Asia, prizes for boxing and wrestling are given, and they wear girdles when they contend for them.
And in many other respects also one might show that the ancient Greeks lived in a manner similar to the barbarians of the present age
Of the cities, again, such as were founded most recently and when there were now greater facilities of navigation, having greater abundance of wealth, they were built with walls on the very shores; and occupied isthmuses, with a view both to commerce and to security against their several neighbours: whereas the old ones, owing to the Goeller reads ἀντισχοῦσαι instead of ἀντισχοῦσαν, which he pronounces inexplicable, and interprets it thus, Veteres urbes ob latrocinia, post quam diu et restiterunt et perduraverunt, longius a mari conditae sunt. long continuance of piracy, were built farther off from the sea, both those in the islands and those on the mainlands; (for they used to plunder one another, and all the rest who lived by the sea without being seamen;) and even to the present day they are built inland.
And the islanders especially were pirates, being Carians and Phoenicians. For it was these that had colonized most of the islands. And this is a proof of it:—When Delos was purified by the Athenians in the course of this war, and all the sepulchres of those who had died in the island were taken up, above half were found to be Carians; being known by the fashion of the arms buried with them, and by the manner in which they still bury.
But when the navy of Minos was established, there were greater facilities of sailing to each other. For the malefactors in the islands were expelled by him, at the same time that he was colonizing most of them.
And the men on the sea-coast, now making greater acquisition of wealth, led a more settled life: and some of them even surrounded themselves with walls, on the strength of growing richer than they had before been. For through desire of gain, the lower orders submitted to be slaves to their betters; and the more powerful, having a superabundance of money, brought the smaller cities into subjection.
And being now more in this state of things, some time after they made the expedition against Troy.
And Agamemnon appears to me to have assembled the armament because he surpassed the men of that day in power, and not so much because he took the suitors of Helen bound by their oaths to Tyndarus.
It is said too by those of the Peloponnesians who have received the most certain accounts by tradition from their forefathers, that Pelops first acquired power by the abundance of riches with which he came from Asia to men who were in needy circumstances; and although a new-comer, yet gave his name to the country; Or more literally, gave occasion to the naming of the country after him. and that afterwards still greater power fell to the lot of his descendants, as Eurystheus was killed in Attica by the Heraclidae, and Atreus was his mother's brother, and Eurystheus, when going on the expedition, intrusted Mycenae and the government to Atreus, on the ground of their connexion; (he happened to be flying from his father on account of the death of Chrysippus :) and when Eurystheus did not return again, they say that at the wish of the Mycenaeans themselves, through their fear of the Heraclidae, and also because he appeared to be powerful, and had courted the commons, Atreus received the kingdom of the Mycenaeans and all that Eurystheus ruled over; and that so the descendants of Pelops became greater than those of Perseus.
And I think that Agamemnon, from having received this inheritance, and from being strong in his navy also at the same time to a greater extent than others, assembled and made the expedition not so much by favour as by fear.
For he appears to have both come himself with most ships, and to have furnished them for the Arcadians besides; as Homer has also shown, if he is sufficient authority for any one, Literally, sufficient to prove it to any one. and also, in [his account of] the transmission of the sceptre, he has mentioned that he O'er numerous islands and all Argos ruled. Now, as he lived on the mainland, he would not have been master of islands, except those that were adjacent, (and those would not be numerous,) if he had not also had some naval force. And we must conjecture by this expedition, what was the character of those before it.
And as to Mycenae having been a small place, or if any town in those times appear now to be inconsiderable, this would be no certain proof to rest upon, for disbelieving that the armament was as large as the poets have said, and as report prevails.
For if the city of the Lacedaemonians were laid desolate, and the temples and foundations of the public buildings were left, I think that when a long time had passed by, posterity would have great disbelief of their power in proportion to their fame. (And yet they occupy two of the five divisions of the Peloponnese, and take the lead of the whole of it, and of their allies out of it in great numbers. Still, as the city is neither built closely, nor has sumptuous temples and public buildings, but is built in villages, after the old fashion of Greece, it would have an inferior appearance.) Whereas if the Athenians were to suffer the same fate, I think their power would be conjectured, from the appearance of the city to the eye, to have been double what it is.
It is not therefore right to be incredulous, nor to look at the appearance of cities rather than their power; but to think that that expedition was greater indeed than any that were before it, but inferior to those of the present day; if on this point again we must believe the poetry of Homer, which it is natural that he, as a poet, set off on the side of exaggeration; but, nevertheless, even on this view it appears inferior.
For he has made it to consist of twelve hundred ships, those of the Boeotians carrying 120 men, and those of Philoctetes 50; meaning to show, as I think, the largest and the least; at any rate he has made no mention of the size of any others in the catalogue of the ships. And that they all were themselves rowers and fighting men, he has shown in the case of the ships of Philoctetes. For he has represented all the men at the oar as bowmen. And it is not probable that many supernumeraries would sail with them, except the kings and highest officers; especially as they were going to cross the open sea with munitions of war; and, on the other hand, had not their vessels decked, but equipped, after the old fashion, more like privateers.
Looking then at the mean of the largest and the smallest ships, they do not appear to have gone in any great number, considering that they were sent by the whole of Greece in common.
And the reason was not so much scarcity of men as want of money. For owing to difficulty of subsistence, they took their army the smaller, and such only as they hoped would live on the country itself while carrying on the war; and when on their arrival they were superior in battle, (and that they were so is evident, for they would not else have built the fortification for their camp,) they appear not even then to have employed all their force, but to have turned to the cultivation of the Chersonese, and to piracy, for want of food. And in this way the Trojans, owing to their being scattered, the more easily held out i. e. keeping the field, and not merely fighting from their walls. by open force those ten years;
being a match for those who successively were left behind. But if they had gone with abundance of food, and in a body had continuously carried through the war, without foraging and agriculture, they would easily have conquered them in battle, and taken the place; since even though not united, but only with the part that was successively present, they held out against them. Now by pressing the siege, [I say,] they would have taken Troy both in less time and with less trouble; but through want of money both the undertakings before this The plural pronoun in the Greek, is used with reference to τὰ τρωϊκά, the common term to signify the Trojan war. were weak, and this itself, though more famous than the former, is shown by facts Or, inferior in the facts. to have been inferior to its fame, and to the present report of it, which has prevailed by means of the poets.
For even after the Trojan war Greece was still moving about, and settling itself; i. e. it was not yet settled.—Arnold. The old reading, μετωκίζετο would mean, was changing its place of abode. so that it could not increase its power by remaining at rest.